The
cost of piracy isn't reflected in the reports. It never will be, until those
who are compiling the figures start to assess the damage being done to Somali
society, to the young men who face a life of violent criminality, to the
communities and civilians who have to suffer the lack of opportunity,
employment and self development because of piracy. The response of the
international community to piracy in the Gulf of Aden
will be one of the defining points of the 21st century. It will stand as a
measure of the vision, values and empathy of civilisation today.
The
absence of governance which could provide the necessary social infrastructure
such as education, employment and welfare are lacking and allow the spread of
piracy. The current political situation contributes to instability. The
separatist Somaliland in the northern area of
the country has made attempts to appear as a legitimate state in the eyes of
the international community. However, the al-Shabaab led regions of the south
facilitate and contribute to the problems of piracy. The tribal regions of
Puntland directly benefit from the finance which piracy provides, which
incentivises this behaviour for these groups. Support and recognition for Somaliland may provide the necessary state structure from
which sustainable development can occur.
The
developed nations of the world have so far behaved in a reactionary manner to
these problems. Improvements have been made to the defensive measures provided
on board ships transiting high-risk areas, such as the provision of physical
defences, armed guards and citadels. These measures have successfully reduced
the amount of attacks and hijackings of merchant shipping in the third quarter
of 2012. While these are effective from the perspective of the shipping
industry, the real issues at stake; the lack of opportunity, famine and crime
still plague Somalia .
The
calls made in February 2012 by General Håkan Syrén, the chairman of the EU
military committee, for land-based military operations offer a one-dimensional
response to a multi-faceted problem. An armed response fails to address the
legacy issues of the famine of 2011, which killed tens of thousands of people
or the separatist or terrorist movements which seek to exploit this instability.
A militarised response is likely to further radicalise militant aspects of Somalia while
disrupting ordinary life. The EUCAP Nestor operation which aims to improve the
naval response from the region will likely require substantial funding from the
EU and appears unsustainable. This funding could be better spent on the
impoverished, the destitute and the downtrodden; the hungry and poor of Somalia who
need a better way of life.
The
legislative response from the countries most-affected has been too-slow and
lacks the comprehensive, transboundary approach required. The United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea provides international legislation for
addressing piracy. However, the states in the region lack the physical capacity
as well as the procedural mechanisms for trying, imprisoning or rehabilitating
pirates. This is coupled with an apprehension by the Indian
Ocean states in burdening the political and economic cost of
processing piracy. This administrative vacuum contributes to the complications,
highlighted by incidents such as what occurred on the MV Enrica Lexie off the
coast of India .
The
international community’s reaction to the issues of Somalia will stand as testament to
wealthy nations’ priorities: the protection of their own interests, or
empathising with those facing the greatest challenges and to adequately provide
for their needs.
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